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Lesbian and Gay Christian Movement - LGCM
February 2005
English Ecclesiastical Autonomy and the Windsor Report by Dr Augur
Pearce (February 2005)
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Dr Augur Pearce BA (Dunelm.), LLM
(Wales), MA (Oxon.), PhD (Cantab.),
Although today a member of the United Reformed Church, Dr Augur Pearce
has a long history of involvement in both practice and theory with the
legal workings of the Church of England. He worked for twelve years in
private legal practice with specialisms in ecclesiastical and charity
law, handling the business of the Archbishop of Canterbury's Faculty
Office and several diocesan registries.
Returning to academic life, he studied in Berlin, Durham and Cambridge,
shifting his research emphasis to ecclesiastical legal history with its
implications for the present day. In 2001-03 he contributed to an Oxford
Brookes University research project examining the place of the island's
Bishop in the constitution of the Isle of Man. Since then he has been a
Lecturer at Cardiff University, his main teaching areas including
Constitutional Law and Law & Religion |
English Ecclesiastical
Autonomy and the Windsor Report by Dr Augur Pearce (February 2005)
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- A central assumption of this paper is the identification of church and nation
which was once a European commonplace, but which remains much more strongly
expressed in the religio-legal constitution of England than in most other
predominantly Christian legal systems.
- Given that identification, it is suggested that the religious autonomy of the
Church of England must be seen as a facet of national sovereignty, applicable no
less against claims of foreign protestant bishops than against past claims of
the Roman hierarchy.
- At an early stage, the paper considers the Tudor declaration of this autonomy,
countering any suggestion that subsequent political unions with Scotland,
Ireland or the European Union may have affected the position. It is suggested
that the Windsor Report’s dichotomy between autonomy and sovereignty is, or
would be in the English context, false. England’s subjection to divine law is
recognised, but not its subordination to external judges of what divine law may
require.
- From the starting-point of full independence, therefore, the paper proceeds to
consider how a nation’s or national church’s autonomy may be voluntarily
limited. Contracting parties on the international plane are, ordinarily, crowned
Heads (or their republican substitutes); the paper considers the role of the
Queen in treaty-making and the limited domestic effect of treaties due to
England’s democratic legislative tradition.
- Recognising that English parties to the emergence of ‘Anglican’ institutions,
giving rise to the Report’s concept of ‘communion’ and a body of statements
called ‘Anglican teaching’, have not been the monarch but the bishops, the paper
considers whether these can claim the right to represent the whole Church of
England internationally by analogy to the monarch’s function. Noting
considerable difference in the modern legal position of the episcopate from that
claimed before the Reformation, the paper concludes that there is no inherent
right, and doubts whether any action of Parliament or General Synod can be seen
as conferring a delegated right, in this respect.
- Despite the primarily legal nature of conclusions so far, the paper points to
the theological reasoning underlying both national ecclesiastical autonomy and
limited episcopal powers. Those who accept such reasoning will see the Church of
England as having not only a legal but a moral freedom to act independently.
- Finally, considering the legal position of English bishops and the
relationship between obligation and discretion, the paper suggests that in
certain fields it would be wrong for English bishops to give even personal
commitments on future conduct to overseas colleagues, since decisions on such
conduct are domestically assigned to some other organ.
- Reflecting that the Windsor Report’s proposed ‘communion law’ (subordinating
national ecclesiastical autonomy for the future to an international agreement
and arbiters) could only be effected in England by primary legislation, the
paper mentions two existing approaches to self-obligation in the legislative
field (in the European Communities Act and Human Rights Act). Given that either
approach would affect radically the tradition of independence that formed the
English Church as now known, and that a possible consequence could be to narrow
the national church’s broad popular appeal, Parliament may think very carefully
before approving such legislation while leaving the Church of England its
national status and associated endowment.
- Being no expert in the history of the North American churches’ involvement
with the Lambeth Conference, the writer does not seek to apply his conclusions
directly to their situation. It is recognised that as voluntary rather than
national churches, the conceptual basis for their autonomy is quite different.
However it is suggested that if the Church of England is indeed presently not
bound by Lambeth Conference majorities, the North American churches should
consider whether it can be right for them either to own such an obligation.
Commissioned and Published by the Lesbian and Gay Christian
Movement
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